Time
for a Change #12
Israeli Colonialism
Dave Thomas
Some will accuse anyone
that criticizes Israeli policy and practice of being prejudiced against
Jews. This is ridiculous. Is anyone who criticizes Utah prejudiced against Mormons? Is anyone who criticizes our United States
prejudiced against Americans? We often
criticize our friends in hopes of helping them.
The same way with countries. Also
note that many Israeli Jews criticize Israeli policies. For a similar viewpoint to the one expressed
here, read Richard Ben Cramer, 2004, How Israel
Lost, The Four Questions. Also
visit www.peacenow.org.
Defenders of Israeli
policy typically say that every thing Israel
does is to protect Israel
against those who have sworn to destroy Israel. Why then does Israel
persistently establish settlements in Palestine? These do not help defend Israel. They inflame the passions of Israel’s
enemies. Israeli colonization of Palestine and establishment of internationally illegal
settlements there is motivated by Israel’s
desire to control Palestinian resources and people and ultimately to
incorporate Palestine into Israel more than by Israel’s
desire to protect Israel.
During the last 50 years,
no colonized people have accepted their colonization peacefully. Israel
will never have peace as long as she colonizes Palestine.
One can never be sure
what would have happened if history had proceeded differently. But imagine that Israel had been content to accept
its original boundaries, and whole-heartedly sought peace with her
neighbors. Suppose Israel had
sought, maintained relations with, and supported Palestinian leaders who
accepted her existence. Suppose Israel had reached out to resettle Palestinian
refugees from within Israel
or at least to pay them reparations to assist their settlement elsewhere. Suppose Israel had recognized a Palestinian
state and offered generous development assistance. Suppose Israel had paid for Palestinian
water and other resources, instead of simply taking them. Suppose Israel had served as a market for
Palestinians and had offered them employment at fair wages.
We will never know what
would have happened, because this was never tried. But could it have been worse than the half
century of violence which has occurred?
Isn’t it possible that the great majority of Palestinians would have
been happy to proceed to develop their own country with Israel as a supporting ally?
We can’t go back to redo
history to find out what could have been.
Even though hatred of Israel
is greater now than earlier, could it still be possible to begin moving in a
peaceful direction? Israel could
approach the United Nations to ask for protection along her borders, as she
begins a new peaceful policy. With
international backing, Israel
has much to offer the Palestinians as an alternative to continued
violence.
Unfortunately there is no
indication that a peaceful strategy will be attempted, particularly so long as
the United States supports Israel’s present
violent strategy. Israel may be attacking Lebanon in
hopes the Lebanese government and army will disarm Hezbollah. A more likely result may be that the Lebanese
government and army decide to support Hezbollah against Israel’s invasion. If Israel becomes bogged down in Lebanon the
way the United States is bogged down in Iraq and if Israel’s invasion of
Lebanon with U.S. support turns even conservative Arab governments against the
U.S., the costs for Israel and our U.S. may allow a different American
political leadership to steer a peaceful course. Let us hope so.
Liberals should always
support peace, except when injustice results in large and continuing violation
of freedoms and opportunities, which outweigh the violation that war
causes. The primary injustice in the
mid-east is the Israeli colonization of Palestine. Liberals should support changes in Israel’s policies from violent responses to
those who respond violently to Israel’s
colonization, to peaceful strategies oriented toward creating Palestinian
allies. Just as we can’t be sure what
would happen, neither can those who would criticize such changes be sure that
they wouldn’t bring peace.
Recent news reports
indicate that Israel may be
willing to allow an international peace force to guard its border with Lebanon, perhaps similarly to what the United
Nations has done on Cyprus
to maintain peace between Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. The United Nations should guard Israel’s borders with Lebanon,
Syria and Palestine,
but only on the condition these borders are Israel’s original borders. Israel and its neighbors could then
have peace for the first time in many decades.
Israel has now attacked Lebanon,
apparently believing that the Lebanese will blame Hezbollah and act to destroy
their military capability. More likely,
the Lebanese will blame Israel
who is doing the bombing and give more support to Hezbollah.
Our United States is paying for the bombs that Israel is dropping on Lebanon
and encouraging Israel
to continue their attacks in hopes that Hezbollah’s military capability will be
destroyed, with the support of the Lebanese.
U.S. Secretary of State Rice has now gone to Lebanon
to offer humanitarian assistance needed because of U.S.
supported bombing of Lebanon. Wow!
What effrontery! The best humanitarian
assistance would be for the U.S.
to insist that Israel
withdraw to its borders, with Internationally sanctioned protection of Israel’s
borders from violence by either the Israelis, Palestinians or Hezballah. This won’t happen during the Bush administration
or perhaps even during a different one.
So the carnage will continue.
---------------- Some comments
added later
What could be Next?
Who could have imagined that Israel
would be doing what they are in Lebanon? Imagine this.
Suppose Israel
decides to drop a nuclear bomb on Iran,
to persuade Iran
to quit assisting Hezbollah. There are
some United States
officials who would approve this, perhaps including our President Bush. Dave Thomas
See Silly Condoleezza
Rice
Secretary of State Condoleezza
Rice continues to fly here and there like a chicken with its head cut off, with
no apparent results. Congo, Darfur, Somalia, Iraq,
Israel, Palestine,
Lebanon, Iran, Myamar, Kashmir,
Sri Lanka, North Korea and other trouble spots
abound, but where has Rice made any progress toward resolving them. Let’s work toward obtaining a U.S.
administration which leads in creating a democratic United Nations with the
resources to bring justice and peace to these various trouble spots.
Condoleezza Rice says let Israel
continue bombing Israel
until a sustainable peace can result from decimating Hezbollah. What she doesn’t recognize is that a
sustainable peace can only result when Israel
withdraws from Palestine
and the Israeli settlements there. When Israel has complied with the many UN resolutions
condemning its colonialism, an international peace keeping force can protect Israel’s borders from violence initiated by
either Israel or Israel’s
enemies.
----------------------- Some reactions to speeches and comments
Speech by Israeli
Prime Minister Ohlmert, July 31, 2006
Ladies and gentlemen, leaders of the world, I, the Prime
Minister of Israel, am speaking to you from Jerusalem in the face of the terrible
pictures from Kfar Kana. Any human heart, wherever it is, must sicken and
recoil at the sight of such pictures. There are no words of comfort that can
mitigate the enormity of this tragedy. Still, I am looking you straight in the
eye and telling you that the State of Israel will continue its military
campaign in Lebanon.
The Israel Defense Forces will continue to attack targets
from which missiles and Katyusha rockets are fired at hospitals, old age homes
and kindergartens in Israel.
I have instructed the security forces and the IDF to continue to hunt for the
Katyusha stockpiles and launch sites from which these savages are bombarding
the State of Israel.
We will not hesitate, we will not apologize and we will not
back off. If they continue to launch missiles into Israelfrom Kfar Kana, we
will continue to bomb Kfar Kana. Today, tomorrow and the day after tomorrow.
Here, there and everywhere. The children of Kfar Kana could now be sleeping
peacefully in their homes, unmolested, had the agents of the devil not taken
over their land and turned the lives of our children into hell.
Ladies and gentlemen, it’s time you understood: the Jewish
state will no longer be trampled upon. We will no longer allow anyone to
exploit population centers in order to bomb our citizens. No one will be able
to hide anymore behind women and children in order to kill our women and
children. This anarchy is over. You can condemn us, you can boycott us, you can
stop visiting us and, if necessary, we will stop visiting you.
Today I am serving as the voice of six million bombarded
Israeli citizens who serve as the voice of six million murdered Jews who were
melted down to dust and ashes by savages in Europe. In both cases, those
responsible for these evil acts were, and are, barbarians devoid of all
humanity, who set themselves one simple goal: to wipe the Jewish race off the
face of the earth, as Adolph Hitler said, or to wipe the State of Israel off
the map, as Mahmoud Ahmedinjad proclaims.
And you - just as you did not take those words seriously
then, you are ignoring them again now. And that, ladies and gentlemen, leaders
of the world, will not happen again. Never again will we wait for bombs that
never came to hit the gas chambers. Never again will we wait for salvation that
never arrives. Now we have our own air force. The Jewish people are now capable
of standing up to those who seek their destruction - those people will no
longer be able to hide behind women and children. They will no longer be able
to evade their responsibility.
Every place from which a Katyusha is fired into the State
of Israel will be a legitimate target for us to attack. This must be stated
clearly and publicly, once and for all. You are welcome to judge us, to
ostracize us, to boycott us and to vilify us. But to kill us? Absolutely not.
Four months ago I was elected by hundreds of thousands of
citizens to the office of Prime Minister of the government of Israel, on the
basis of my plan for unilaterally withdrawing from 90 percent of the areas of
Judea and Samaria, the birth place and cradle of the Jewish people; to end most
of the occupation and to enable the Palestinian people to turn over a new leaf
and to calm things down until conditions are ripe for attaining a permanent
settlement between us.
The Prime Minister who preceded me, Ariel Sharon, made a
full withdrawal from the Gaza Strip back to the international border, and gave
the Palestinians there a chance to build a new reality for themselves. The
Prime Minister who preceded him, Ehud Barak, ended the lengthy Israeli presence
in Lebanon
and pulled the IDF back to the international border, leaving the land of the
cedars to flourish, develop and establish its democracy and its economy.
What did the State of Israel get in exchange for all of
this? Did we win even one minute of quiet? Was our hand, outstretched in peace,
met with a handshake of encouragement? Ehud Barak's peace initiative at Camp David let loose on us a wave of suicide bombers who
smashed and blew to pieces over 1,000 citizens, men, women and children. I
don't remember you being so enraged then. Maybe that happened because we did
not allow TV close-ups of the dismembered body parts of the Israeli youngsters
at the Dolphinarium? Or of the shattered lives of the people butchered while
celebrating the Passover seder at the Park Hotel in Netanya? What can you do -
that's the way we are. We don't wave body parts at the camera. We grieve
quietly.
We do not dance on the roofs at the sight of the bodies of
our enemy's children - we express genuine sorrow and regret. That is the
monstrous behavior of our enemies. Now they have risen up against us. Tomorrow they will rise up against you. You
are already familiar with the murderous taste of this terror. And you will
taste more.
And Ariel Sharon's withdrawal from Gaza. What did it get us? A barrage of Kassem
missiles fired at peaceful settlements and the kidnapping of soldiers. Then
too, I don't recall you reacting with such alarm. And for six years, the
withdrawal from Lebanon has
drawn the vituperation and crimes of a dangerous, extremist Iranian agent, who
took over an entire country in the name of religious fanaticism and is trying
to take Israel hostage on
his way to Jerusalem - and from there to Paris and London.
An enormous terrorist infrastructure has been established
by Iran
on our border, threatening our citizens, growing stronger before our very eyes,
awaiting the moment when the land of the Ayatollahs becomes a nuclear power in
order to bring us to our knees. And make no mistake - we won't go down alone.
You, the leaders of the free and enlightened world, will go down along with us.
So today, here and now, I am putting an end to this parade
of hypocrisy I don't recall such a wave of reaction in the face of the 100
citizens killed every single day in Iraq. Sunnis kill Shiites who kill
Sunnis, and all of them kill Americans - and the world remains silent. And I am
hard pressed to recall a similar reaction when the Russians destroyed entire
villages and burned down large cities in order to repress the revolt in Chechnya.
And when NATO bombed Kosovo for almost three months and crushed the civilian
population - then you also kept silent. What is it about us, the Jews, the
minority, the persecuted, that arouses this cosmic sense of justice in you?
What do we have that all the others don't?
In a loud clear voice, looking you straight in the eye, I
stand before you openly and I will not apologize. I will not capitulate. I will
not whine. This is a battle for our freedom. For our humanity. For the
right to lead normal lives within our recognized, legitimate borders. It is
also your battle. I pray and I believe that now you will understand that.
Because if you don't, you may regret it later, when it's too late.
Dave Thomas’
Response
Contrary to Israeli Prime Minister Ohlmert’s comment in the last
paragraph that this is a battle for Israel’s
freedom, his earlier comments make clear that he does not intend to entirely
withdraw from Palestine
and the Israeli settlements. He uses the
Jewish extermination by the Germans as justification for Israel’s violent reaction to
Palestinian and Lebanese opposition.
Unfortunately Israel’s
reaction to Jewish history has only resulted in decades of strife. Incidentally, Ohlmert is wrong in stating
that the world is not noticing and reacting negatively to the harming of
innocent non-combatants in Iraq,
Chechnya
and other places.
I believe another
way should be tried: Total withdrawal with international protection of Israel’s
borders from violence originating from either side, and attempts to become a
good neighbor to nearby Arabs. It is not
easy to make a 180 degree turn and unlikely to occur; But the Israel’s past and
present approach is clearly not producing security and peace for Israel and is
resulting in huge damage to innocent non-combatants. I hope that Connie and others can fairly consider
alternative strategies to achieve security and peace for Israel and Israel’s neighbors. Dave Thomas
Brigitte Gabriel (Lebanese) Speech at Duke University
I'm proud and
honoured to stand here today, as a Lebanese speaking for Israel , the only democracy in the Middle East . As someone who was raised in an Arabic
country, I want to give you a glimpse into the heart of the Arabic world.
I was raised
in Lebanon, where I was
taught that the Jews were evil, Israel
was the devil, and the only time we will have peace in the Middle
East is when we kill all the Jews and drive them into the sea.
When the
Moslems and Palestinians declared Jihad on the Christians in 1975, they started
massacring the Christians, city after city. I ended up living in a bomb shelter
underground from age 10 to 17, without electricity, eating grass to live, and
crawling under sniper bullets to a spring to get water.
It was Israel who came to help the Christians in Lebanon. My mother was wounded by a Moslem's shell,
and was taken into an Israeli hospital for treatment. When we entered the
emergency room, I was shocked at what I saw. There were hundreds of people
wounded, Moslems, Palestinians, Christians, Lebanese, and Israeli soldiers
lying on the floor. The doctors treated everyone according to their injury.
They treated my mother before they treated the Israeli soldier lying next to
her. They didn't see religion, they didn't see political affiliation, they saw
people in need and they helped.
For the first
time in my life I experienced a human quality that I know my culture would not
have shown to their enemy. I experienced the values of the Israelis, who were
able to love their enemy in their most trying moments. I spent 22 days at that
hospital. Those days changed my life and the way I believe information, the way
I listen to the radio or to television. I realized I was sold a fabricated lie
by my government, about the Jews and Israel, that was so far from
reality. I knew for fact that, if I was
a Jew standing in an Arab hospital, I would be lynched and thrown over to the
grounds, as shouts of joy of Allah Akbar, God is great, would echo through the
hospital and the surrounding streets.
I became
friends with the families of the Israeli wounded soldiers: one in particular
Rina, her only child was wounded in his eyes.
One day I was visiting with her, and the Israeli army band came to play
national songs to lift the spirits of the wounded soldiers. As they surrounded
his bed playing a song about Jerusalem,
Rina and I started crying. I felt out of place and started waking out of the
room, and this Mother holds my hand and pulls me back in without even looking
at me. She holds me crying and says:
"it is not your fault". We just stood there crying, holding each
other's hands. What a contrast between
her, a mother looking at her deformed 19 year old only child, and still able to
love me the enemy, and between a Moslem mother who sends her son to blow
himself up to smithereens just to kill a few
Jews or Christians. The difference between the Arabic world and Israel
is a difference in values and character. It's barbarism verses civilization.
It's democracy verses dictatorship. It's goodness verses evil.
Once upon a
time, there was a special place in the lowest depths of hell for anyone who would
intentionally murder a child. Now, the intentional murder of Israeli children
is legitimized as Palestinian "armed struggle".
However, once
such behavior is legitimized against Israel, it is legitimized every where in
the world, constrained by nothing more than the subjective belief of people who
would wrap themselves in dynamite and nails for the purpose of killing children
in the name of god.
Because the Palestinians have been encouraged
to believe that murdering innocent Israeli civilians is a legitimate tactic for
advancing their cause, the whole world now suffers from a plague of terrorism,
from Nairobi to New York
, from Moscow to Madrid
, from Bali to Beslan.
They blame
suicide bombing on "desperation of occupation". Let me tell you the
truth. The first major terror bombing committed by Arabs against the Jewish
state occurred ten weeks before Israel
even became independent.
On Sunday
morning, February 22, 1948 , in anticipation of Israel
's independence, a triple truck bomb was detonated by Arab terrorists on Ben Yehuda Street ,
in what was then the Jewish section of Jerusalem
. Fifty-four people were killed, and hundreds were wounded. Thus, it is obvious
that Arab terrorism is caused not by the "desperation" of
"occupation", but by the VERY THOUGHT of a Jewish state.
So many times in history in the last 100
years, citizens have stood by and done nothing, allowing evil to prevail. As America
stood up against and defeated communism, now it is time to stand up against the
terror of religious bigotry and intolerance. It's time to all stand up, and
support and defend the state of Israel
, which is the front line of the war against terrorism.
Dave Thomas Responds
Brigitte
Gabriel’s speech testifies that many Lebanese, Moslems and Palestinians have
expressed their hatred through hideous actions.
I agree, but this does not imply that Israeli policies toward these
groups have been the most effective toward diminishing that hatred and bringing
peace to Israel.
I am now
reading Richard Ben Cramer’s How Israel
Lost, The Four Questions. It
addresses (1) Why do we care about Israel? (2) Why don’t the Palestinians have a
state? (3) What is a Jewish State? (4) Why is there no peace? Cramer describes the Israel’s extreme domination and
humiliation of the Palestinians. He also
describes the Palestinian culture of vengeful reaction to humiliation and
Yasser Arafat’s political corruptness.
He asks the following questions on page 90:
“Why would a
series of Israeli governments—everyone with the stated aim of making peace, or
at least living in peace with the Palestinians—maintain (and enlarge) the
network of settlement on Arab lands, continue (and increase) expropriations,
confiscations punitive destructions—and assassinations? Why would successive governments elected to
“put a stop on terror” ratchet ever tighter the vise-grip of closure and a
system of checkpoints guaranteed to humiliate and embitter the captive people?”
My comments
have focused upon Israeli policy because Israel
is in control, such that changes in Israel’s policies may lead to
changes in Palestinian opinions and policies.
Palestinian policies have actually changed at times from more to less to
more violence, without corresponding changes in Israeli policies. When violence diminished after the recent
Palestinian elections, Israel
increased her violence, including continued assassination of Palestinian
leaders.
While we would all wish that Palestinians
would respond peacefully to Israel,
this will never happen as long as Israel continues to ignore
Palestinian peace overtures and attacks Palestinian peace makers as viciously
as Palestinian war makers. If peace will
not reduce Israeli injustice, then Palestinians will continue to wage war.
From Paul Rogat Loeb, a Seattle resident, university professor
and the author of The Impossible Will
Take a Little While: A Citizen's Guide to Hope in a Time of Fear, winner of
the 2005 Nautilus Award for the best book on social change, and Soul of a
Citizen See www.paulloeb.org.
Two more
articles that I thought might spur interesting thought and discussion.
The first is
a reflection on the tragic shootings at the Jewish Federation in my city, and
on the Lebanese War and related cycles of violence. (I know the Israeli
Palestinian issue raises controversy, but these were my responses to a terrible
event that hit very close to home). The
second is on Ned Lamont's underdog victory in Connecticut, and on what ordinary citizens
can do to help ensure that the will of the state's Democratic voters is
respected.
In terms of
classroom use, I'd say the one on the Seattle
shooting might well be useful. The second's a bit more directed to your role as
citizen, so maybe wouldn't fit as well in that role. Enjoy them and pass them on, post them, or
reprint them if useful
[From The Seattle Times, Portland Oregonian,
Detroit Jewish News and other places]
WAR AT HOME: THE SEATTLE SHOOTING
By Paul Rogat
Loeb
Through the
actions of a lone man with an unstable mental history, the Middle
East wars have hit my community.
Naveed Haq, from a middle class Pakistani-American family in eastern Washington State,
shot six women at the Seattle Jewish Federation, in the city where I live. He
killed one and left three critically wounded, saying "I am a Muslim American,
angry at Israel." I've never been to the Federation offices,
but I've worshipped at affiliated Seattle
synagogues, attended Federation-sponsored events, and met one of the women who
was critically wounded. So Haq's reprehensible attack felt personal. Aside from
the shooting of Jewish Defense League founder Meir Kahane and an ambiguous 1994
incident involving a New York
taxi driver and a van of Hasidic students, this may be the first politically
motivated killing of an American Jew by an American Muslim in the past sixty
years. As such, it risks sharply increasing the level of fear in America's
Jewish communities, and with it the reflex support of even the most
questionable Israeli actions.
We could
dismiss the deaths as isolated from politics, the actions of a single deranged
individual. Over 16,000 Americans kill each other every year. This past March,
a man shot and killed six participants in a Seattle rave because he resented their
lifestyle. Maybe if Haq hadn't attacked the Federation women, he would have
shot someone else.
But I doubt
it. So the question is whether the actions taken in response to this shooting
will move us toward or away from further violence, here and in the Middle East. Before the shooting, Seattle's
Arab American Community Coalition had been organizing a silent march for a Lebanon
ceasefire. When the news hit, they postponed it, and issued a release saying
they were appalled by the attack. "Our thoughts and prayers are with the
victims and their families," they said. "Violence against anyone
because of ethnicity or religion does not advance the cause of peace, justice
and liberation in Lebanon, Palestine or Israel. Attacks on civilians must
stop in Gaza, Beirut,
Haifa, and certainly in downtown Seattle." Along with
other Jewish, Christian, and Islamic leaders in the city, they called for
common mourning and interfaith dialogue.
It's
tempting, particularly for those of us who are Jewish, to use this shooting as
an excuse for justifying every Israeli military escalation, and to blur the
urgency of halting the bombs and shells falling on equally blameless civilians
in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza. Haq eventually surrendered to police. But
according to this logic we must teach a lesson to his compatriots--who continue
to fire rockets and set off suicide bombs, attacking innocent women, men and
children in Israel--because terror will understand only the language of force.
Except that Israel has followed this punitive approach again
and again in the forty years since it occupied the West
Bank. It's never brought security, only more bitterness. Five days before the shootings I appeared on
a Seattle
Jewish radio show along with the local head of Jewish Voices for Peace and an
activist who worked to support Israeli policies. Though it was a friendly
dialogue, the rabbi who cohosted the show kept treating those of us who
challenged Israel's
actions as starry-eyed dreamers, unwilling to acknowledge the realities of a
violent world.
But it isn't
naive to suggest that Israel's
massive attacks on Lebanon
and Gaza will
embitter a new generation. Or to point
out that the Hamas victory in the Palestinian elections was the fruit of daily
humiliations Palestinians face and of Israel's blocking the PLO from
effectively functioning as even a nascent government. We've come close to
agreements that would have ended the occupation with a just peace, in the Taba
negotiations and in the nongovernmental Geneva Accord, whose participants
included the former commander of the Israel Defense Forces in the Gaza strip,
the Palestinian Authority's minister for prisoner affairs, a leader of the
Palestinian guerrilla group, the Tanzim, and a cousin of assassinated Hamas
leader Abd al-Aziz Rantisi. Unless we return to that path, those who live in
the West Bank and Gaza, or view themselves as acting in sympathy with them, are
likely to fight with whatever weapons they see as available.
Absent a
shift to widespread nonviolent resistance, of the kind that accounted for most
of the first intifada's political gains (as chronicled in the book A Force More
Powerful), this means, most likely, the taking of more innocent lives.
The Seattle gunman was a
troubled individual, not part of any political movement. He didn't attend
Islamic services and had even recently been baptized in an evangelical
Christian church, though he didn't attend that church either. But the situation
that sparked his unconscionable action was the same that continues to fuel
Israeli-Palestinian cycles of violence.
Hezbollah
seized Israeli hostages in the wake of Israeli attacks on Gaza
and demanded the release of prisoners held since the Israeli invasion of Lebanon.
Those from Gaza
who abducted Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit claimed to be acting in response to
Israeli imprisonment of Palestinian women and children. Hamas now threatens
retaliation for the deaths in the Lebanese village of Qana.
As a result of the most recent Israeli military actions, 87% of all Lebanese
now say they support the "resistance's fight against Israeli
aggression."
The cycles of
violence build on an individual level as well. When attempted London
train bomber Hussain Osman was interrogated, he explained "More than
praying we discussed politics, the war in Iraq ... we always had new films of
the war... more than anything else those in which you could see Iraqi women and
children who had been killed... There was a feeling of hatred and a conviction
that it was necessary to give a signal--to do something."
Although
Osman was caught before setting off his bombs, others were not, and brought about
more innocent deaths.
No moral
argument can justify the Seattle
shootings. Suicide bombings and the firing of rockets at civilian populations
in Israel
are equally contemptuous of innocent lives. But the question isn't about
justifications.
It's how to
stop future violence. Whatever the actions of Hezbollah, forcing a fifth of the
Lebanese population to flee their homes, destroying the power grids in Gaza and much of Lebanon, burning civilians with
white phosphorous, and bombing villages full of children only makes matters
worse. The killings here in Seattle
should give Americans even greater impetus to demand an alternative.
[And
the Lamont piece, From Huffington Post etc]
THE LAMONT VICTORY-NEXT STEPS FOR CITIZENS
By Paul Rogat
Loeb
Ned Lamont's
primary victory over Joe Lieberman may turn out to be a key moment in stopping
the Bush Administration's destructive policies. But that depends on what the
rest of us do.
Lieberman, as
a majority of Connecticut's Democratic voters just acknowledged, was Bush's
fiercest Democratic ally, not just on the Iraqi war, but on issues from the
bankruptcy bill to his regressive energy bill, tax plans, and judicial
nominations, not to mention Terri Schaivo. He was defeated despite outspending
Lamont two to one, (with the help of massive contributions from the
pharmaceutical and financial services industries) and being supported by
Connecticut's and the Democratic Party's entrenched political leaders.
The question
now is whether Lieberman can hold his seat through a divisive third party run
that ignores the mandate of Connecticut
voters. If anyone who loses a party
primary, even a close one, can simply run on their own, then primaries become
meaningless as ways to democratically select our leaders. Had Lieberman
launched a third party campaign from the start, that would have been his right,
but doing so after he lost the legitimate primary vote is unconscionable.
Though
Lieberman's announced that he'll run as a third party candidate, that isn't set
in stone. Citizens throughout the country can play a crucial role by pressuring
key elected leaders and organizations that initially supported Lieberman to
switch their support. Some of this has already begun to occur, with Harry Reid
and Chuck Schumer's strong statements that the Democratic Senatorial Campaign
Committee will fully back Lamont, and Hillary Clinton's donation of $5,000 from
her PAC. But the process needs to be taken
still further.
Lieberman's
chances of splitting the party enough to win in November depend on the support
he lines up. If it's only from major corporate and Republican interests, many
of whom contributed to his primary campaign, then voters are far more likely to
see him as merely a Republican stalking horse. According to ABC's George
Stephanopolous, Karl Rove has already approached his campaign and offered to
help. Republican fund-raisers have already volunteered to contribute. But he
can't win with just Republican support.
What got
Lieberman as close as he came was the active support of the local Democratic
machine and the legitimacy that he gained from the backing of key national
leaders like Schumer, Bill Clinton, Chris Dodd, Barbara Boxer, and Barack
Obama, and from institutions like the Connecticut AFL-CIO (though the state's
major teachers unions and the Machinists union backed Lamont), and from Planned
Parenthood, NARAL, the League of Conservation Voters, and the Human Rights
Campaign.
These
individuals and institutions supported him, I believe, because of old
friendships and allegiances, because they didn't expect Lamont to emerge as
such a powerful candidate or his insurgent campaign to touch such a nerve, and
because there's a standard (and problematic) assumption that if an incumbent is
at least somewhat on your side, you give them your automatic backing even if
their opponent is as strong on the relevant issues or stronger. So National
Abortion Rights Action League backed Lieberman despite his immensely disturbing
position that a hospital could refuse emergency contraceptives to a rape victim
and despite his playing a key role, by blocking any filibuster, in the
confirmation of the profoundly anti-choice Justices Roberts and Alito (who have
also been as ghastly as expected on issues of the environmental, social
justice, civil liberties and presidential power). It was the support of institutions and
individuals like these that gave Lieberman his veneer of moderation.
Now, we face
a different situation. Lamont stressed from the beginning that he would support
Lieberman if he lost and even campaign with him. Lieberman needs to do the
same. The statewide turnout was nearly double the last major contested
statewide Democratic primary, a dozen years ago. Given that Connecticut's Democratic voters have spoken,
Lieberman needs to respect their will, and not split the party (and divert
limited resources) by refusing to accept the will of the voters.
So the
challenge is to line up every possible aspect of Democratic and organizational
support behind Lamont-and to strip Lieberman of the resources and support that
got him as close as he came. The initial shifts of high-profile Democrats are
encouraging, whether they stemmed from conscience or belated recognition that
ordinary Democrats want a change. But we need to ask more of them. Their
endorsing Lamont matters, as do their financial contributions. But particularly
for those who gave Lieberman credibility by initially backing and campaigning
for him, that's not enough. They need to make clear that they will visibly and
energetically campaign for Lamont as the legitimately elected representative of
their party, and follow through on this commitment if they can't convince
Lieberman to withdraw. It's up to all of us as to make sure the leaders who
represent us respond.
The same
thing's true with liberal organizations that endorsed Lieberman when Lamont's
campaign had yet to coalesce. If we're members or supporters, we need to
personally contact them and ask that they back Lamont and not Lieberman in this
next round. They need to recognize that supporting Lieberman at this point
means supporting the Bush administration, and everything it stands for.
We might
remember that this isn't the first time Lieberman has placed his career above
loyalty to party and beliefs. He also hedged his bets in the 2000 election, by
running for reelection as Connecticut Senator while also running for Vice
President. It didn't help the ticket, but worse yet, had Gore won (as he would
have without the Florida machinations), Lieberman would have had to resign his
Senate seat, and be replaced by a Republican appointed by Republican Governor
John Rowland. So Lieberman has a long history of looking out only for himself,
and we might also do our best to ensure that the media remembers this.
If we're
successful enough in our efforts, the wells of support for Lieberman may dry up
sufficiently that he'll decide not to make a serious third-party race. Or we'll
help Lamont gain enough support and momentum to solidly win. Contributing to
Lamont's campaign is important-money matters.
But wherever
we live, we now have another task. That's to raise our voices enough with the
elected officials and organizations that represent us, so that this campaign
indeed can indeed become a potential national turning point.
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